By Antonia E. Foias
"An remarkable review of modern scholarship coupled with the result of a long term learn venture on the web site and quarter of Motul de San José. It contributes considerably to the anthropological literature on politics and power." --Daniela Triadan, coeditor of Burned Palaces and Elite apartments of Aguateca
"A lengthy late and especially welcome piece of scholarly paintings. It synthesizes, digests, and makes to be had the result of the great increase in political stories within the Maya region that has happened within the final two decades because of quick glyph decipherment, elevated archaeological info, and extra subtle theoretical modeling." --Eleanor M. King, Howard University
The examine of politics, a dominating strength all through heritage, gives you nice perception into the lives of old humans. a result of richness and complexity of Maya society, archaeologists and anthropologists have spent many years trying to reconstruct its political systems.
In Ancient Maya Political Dynamics, Antonia Foias argues that there's no unmarried Maya political historical past yet a number of histories, no unmarried Maya country yet a number of polities that have to be understood on the point of the lived, person adventure. She explores the ways that the dynamics of political strength formed the lives and panorama of the Maya and the way this knowledge can be utilized to examine different advanced societies.
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Extra info for Ancient Maya Political Dynamics
Milbrath and Peraza Lope hypothesize that the original founders of Mayapan may have included three groups: Maya groups from Yucatan’s east coast, Xius from western Yucatan, and a small contingent from Chichen Itza (38). Warfare permeates Terminal Classic to Postclassic art in the northern Maya lowlands more than in the south during earlier times (Ringle et al. 2004, 506–11). At Chichen Itza, murals and carvings show battles in progress or processions of warriors. For example, the dozens of warriors carved on the stone columns that allowed entrance into the Temple of the Warriors record processions following victories by Chichen’s army (Schele and Freidel 1990) and murals in the Upper Temple of the Jaguars and in Las Monjas show sieges of walled settlements (Ringle et al.
Mann (1986) defines “power to” as collective power, “whereby persons in cooperation can enhance their joint power over third parties or over nature” (6, following Parsons 1960, 199–225). But “power to” can also be seen as a limiting, negative force that defines the rules of interaction or as the “apparatus of social control [that] permeates and defines every aspect of social life” (Fleisher and Wynne-Jones 2010, 182). This negative version is more closely aligned with Foucault’s analysis of modernity.
Traditional legitimacy draws from “an established belief in the sanctity of immemorial traditions and the legitimacy of the status of those exercising authority under them” (Weber 1964, 328). Finally, legal-rational legitimacy is typical of modern states, Political Anthropology, Archaeology, and Ancient Politics · 33 which rely on state bureaucracies and impersonal systems of law that are presumably based on rationality. ). These three types of legitimacy are idealized, and in reality, societies and leaders exhibit a combination of them.
Ancient Maya Political Dynamics by Antonia E. Foias